Fulltext search in archive

The language training within the Ministry of Defence [MoD] of the Czech Republic is primarily focused on English. However, in accordance with the Concept of Personnel Training for the Needs of the MoD, the MoD provides language training in other foreign languages as well. The language teaching is the responsibility of the Language Centre of the University of Defence Brno [CJV UO] and includes English, French, German and Russian. The aim of this article is to compare the activities of the CJV UO with similar language centres in the defence departments of Germany, Austria and France and to present the teaching of French, German and Russian within the MoD through examples of good practice. In the context of the current geopolitical situation, the teaching of French, German and Russian becomes more important, and the CJV UO responds flexibly to the demands of the MoD regarding the provision of the teaching of these languages including professional language and electronic teaching support.

Russia has always had a keen interest in the Western Balkans. It was historically realised in the context of geopolitical continuities of the expansion of its territory and influence. Russia has tried to gain influence in this region for political, economic, identity and strategic reasons. However, after the start of military aggression against Ukraine in 2014, Russia opted for a confrontation in the Western Balkans where it opposes the EU and NATO expansion policies and influence of the West in this region. Key Russian leverage for spreading its influence in the region is the Serbian geopolitical design of military neutrality and the convergence of strategic interests of the two countries. Russia wants to exert a strong influence on the Western Balkans, and thus on the security of the EU. On the other hand, Serbia wants to position itself as the main actor of power in the region with simultaneous support from both Russia and the West.

The paper demonstrates that the Multi-Criteria Analysis (MCA) is one very useful analytical tool and method to help Allied political decision makers and military strategists to rethink the Alliance's new role and mission in Africa, as the Southern neighbour of NATO and the EU having great possibilities to influence, either positively or negatively, the European and Euro-Atlantic security. Thus, the paper's scope is to use MCA in order to highlight the importance of Africa for NATO's Geopolitics and what Member States should undertake in order to join the competitive North African and Sahel region's arms and presence race against the increased Russian and Chinese economic and military interests.

This article deals with one of the most explosive areas of the world today, which is the Near and Middle East (NMEA) and especially the territory of historical Palestine, where the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (IPC) has been going on for a long time. The text deals primarily with historical and military factors and is written as a historical explanatory analysis. It focuses on the most significant historical events and explains the ways of functioning and the consequences of the processes that have been taking place there for a long time.

The main goal of this article is to depict the role of postcolonial theory of neo-colonialism in the development of the security situation in Afghanistan. The introductory part is devoted to defining the postcolonial approach. This part is followed by a definition of neo-colonialism as a modern form of continuation of colonialism. The next part is focused on the role of neo-colonialism itself in Afghanistan, in relation to the influence and interests of the USA. In addition, the paper outlines the main security implications as well as the distortions of Afghanistan's regional actors (Pakistan and India) as a result of US engagement in the region. The final part summarizes the essential information in the context of the theoretical requirements and signs of neo-colonialism in relation to the activities of the US and other state actors in Afghanistan and the region.

The article explores the energy security relations between Russia and the EU. The aims of this article are two. The first is to analyze the content and basic themes of the Russian security discourse on energy relations with the EU in 2012-2017. The second is to interpret the influence of norms and values in the energy security discourse on identity and interests of Russia in the studied period. Security discourse of the Russian Federation focuses on defending Russian diversification projects to strengthen EU energy security. In the security discourse, Russia in relations with the EU de-securitizes the issue of energy when it presents itself as the main and reliable partner and supplier of oil and gas to the EU.

The article deals with a strategic document that currently represents understanding of trends, which form the future security and operational environment,and that sets up the vectors for building-up and development of the Armed Forces of the Czech Republic. The first aim is to assess the Long Term Perspective for Defence 2030 and its significance in context of other strategic documents adopted in the Czech Republic. Another aim is to confront its contents with a structured analysis of large quantity of the state-of-the-art foresight studies,differentiated in geographical and thematic scope. The comparison allows identifying convergence and divergence between the Czech document and relevant findings from the foreign foresight documents. This approach enables the judgement whether the Long Term Perspective for Defence 2030 provides a relevant guideline for the defence sector development, and whether it does or does not miss some of the issues found significant in the foresight documents in the outer world.

Europe is a maritime continent whose economic concerns and security could be backed only by the power of navy forces. The Czech Republic is not a maritime state, but it is a member country of both NATO and the EU, it participates in the formation of common security policy. Czech soldiers could take part in combined joint military operations, where one of forces is also a Navy. Dozens of Czech citizens are employed in common international institutes and staffs; they all need a broader view, including the knowledge of Integrated European Naval Strategy. Their activities promote the status of the Czech Republic at international level.
This contribution contextually explores European space and its naval power. It introduces naval forces projection of European national navies, the bulk of which best respond to current security issues, along with decisions of the national governments of the EU and NATO member states. The article also dedicates extensive attention to the Russian naval strategy.

In his new book, Geopolitics, its author Štefan Volner examines geopolitical theories as if through the prism of new images. It is in fact a free sequel to his previous books on political science. He puts geopolitics somewhere in between natural and social sciences, which is rather ambivalent attitude, namely in cases of using terms thermodynamics, chaos theory and so on. He mentions names such as Huntington, Brzezinski, Friedman, but surprisingly he pays his attention also to less known - at least in our country - Aleksandr Dugin, as a representative of 'new Eurasianism', a new ideology of present-day Russian 'national patriots'. In the second part of his book, Štefan Volner lays down theoretical and methodical foundations for forming geopolitics as scholarly discipline; the third part of this book is concentrated on the EU.

The accession of the Czech Republic to NATO is reflected in the Czech security system, especially in the political, institutional, organizational and legislative areas. The article describes the ways to achieve the NATO key requirements: political, institutional, legislative, defence, resources, as well as information security and public support. In order to become fully capable to consume benefits of NATO membership and fulfil its obligations, appropriate legislative changes must be adopted. Four North Atlantic Treaty Organization pillars had to be integrated: Washington Treaty, defence planning, information security, mutual solidarity.

The process of modelling the new multipolar world will last for several decades, its key features will be evident till 2020. The rise of multipolar world is as important as the end of "cold war", some twenty years ago. The author sees the United States as the only global superpower, but confronted with Asia, with leading power of China, and raising power of India. Russia and the EU are going to be only regional powers. He enumerates main geopolitical priorities of key world's actors: raw materials, namely oil, gas, water; intellectual potential, combat of ideologies, with selfconfident militant Islam. All variants are still opened. Military power will remain important for completing main strategical aims, alongside with ?soft power?, economic cooperation, and diplomatic ties. The author also mentions organizations and institutions less known in Central Europe: Shanghai Cooperation Organization, APEC, ASEAN, African Union, ECOWAS, Mercosur, last but not least Barcelona Conference and European Neighbourhood Policy.

The main aim of this essay is more to open the way for solving methodological problems, point to directions defence economics ought to follow, rather than to find easy answers to all of them. That is the ver y theme of Economy Depar tment of Facult y of Economics and Management, Defence University Brno. It is the base for defence economy, constituted as a science discipline.

The world is full of unsolvable problems. Every key problem has turned now into multinational one; in fact, this can be handled only if it becomes a transnational problem. Security development is multifaceted process tied with the whole globe. The author recapitulates several models or paradigms that influenced a lot our global strategical thinking. The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives by Zbigniew Brzezinski; The Choice: The Global Domination or Global Leadership of by the same author; The Clash of Civilizations by Samuel P. Huntington; Avin Toffler's The Third Wave; Kauffman's Fourth Law: Prolegomenon to General Biology (Investigations); Order Out of Chaos by I. Prigogine and I. Stengers. Dr. Volner says that the contemporary humankind has its last chance to push such a solution that might lead us out the world of dangers and threats to start building up a balanced and lasting security, but he warns against waging "small preventive wars", as the only way to safeguard the peace.

The China's impact on world affairs is growing and will grow further in decades to come. Those years will be critical for Taiwan, and for its relationship with other states. Three related factors determine the texture of this interaction: the policies evolving in Beijing, internal developments on Taiwan, and the international environment. Beijing has offered Taipei several proposals for reunification. The proposals, including the recent "one state, two systems" proposal, allow Taipei to maintain its social and economic system, its armed forces and its unofficial ties with foreign countries. China's grand strategy is to make war while avoiding the battle. Therefore, Taiwan is to be persuaded that the acceptance of "One China" principle is vitally important for preventing the Taiwanese independence. Otherwise, People's Armed Forces will open an invasion to Taiwan by three successive attacks: (1) high precise medium-range ballistic missiles DF-21C with the aim to suppress air defence; (2) the second stroke would be massive attack with short-range precise missiles; (3) the last stroke ought to be done by cruise missiles. This essay is adapted from articles by Mary C. Fitzgerald and Eric A. McVadon, Armed Forces Journal 11/2005.