Security and Defence Policy

Security and Defence Policy (1)

United states of America classified from 2019 Iranian revolution guards as “foreign terrorist organisation”. Article analyses consequences of this step. Text in the introduction presents Guards and highlights the differences between this organization and “classical” terrorist organization. Goal of the main part of text is to analyze American steps and finds consequences resulting from it. This work concluded that though legal consequences of putting Guards on the list of “foreign terrorist organization” are small, on the other hand its practical impacts are huge. There was also found link between putting Guards on this list and new American strategy of “maximal pressure” against Iran.
One of the longest conflicts in Latin-American history ended in 2016 when then Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos signed a peace agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the largest guerrilla movement in Colombia. His predecessor, the current senator Álvaro Uribe, opposed the peace agreement, believing that an offensive against the guerrillas was the right approach. This article shows how these two Colombian presidents framed guerillas and what strategies and expressions were used in their presidential speeches. The main argument is that the conciliatory discourse of President Santos helped to finally achieve peace. The research paper uses a comparative method and the concept of framing.
The article is based on the neorealist theory and is aimed to the analysis of the military doctrines of the USA published between 2012 – 2018. It evaluates them as the consequence of important changes after the end of the Cold War, namely the process of the enlargement of NATO. The article explains the US doctrines as a manifestation of a reinforced military self – esteem of the USA and warns that these doctrines should lead to an increase of the military tension at the Eastern frontier of the enlarged NATO. 
The editorial board of Vojenské rozhledy Journal presents an article by General Staff Colonel (plk. gšt.) Tomáš Novotný, currently the Chief of the Department of Strategic Planning (J-5) of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Slovak Republic. This article was published in HORYZONTY BEZPIECZEŃSTWA Nr 8 (3) 2017 and it is available online at http://www.prawo.uni.opole.pl/horyzonty_bezp/Nr_8(3)_2017.pdf.  The article is very closely linked to the subject of the contribution published in Vojenské rozhledy 3/2019, entitled “Religious Extremism as a Cause of Armed Conflicts: Indicators and Early Warning Systems”, and in a certain way it defines its theoretical foundations. This article briefly describes and puts together conclusions of the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute’ key publications, which were released within the transformation of the Security Studies at the turn of the millennium, with conclusions of the UN Human Security Concept that was successfully institutionalized in 2012. Afterwards, the “Copenhagen School” methodology was applied on the UN Human Security Concept to identify a set of human security challenges and threats, which have been - after analysis of their causal relationship - supplemented by a causal classification. Most security threats create a causal link with one or more other security threats. This fact implies that there is a possibility to create a causal model (mental, graphic, etc.) of any security threat to simulate or to predict the consequences and successfulness / efectivity of a suggested security solution (securitizating or de-securitizating). As a practical subject of a security threat causal analysis was used the model of processes on the way “from a state failure to a terrorism manifestation” adapted to contemporaty situation in the European Union.
Is Georgia’s integration into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) security structures leading to assured full membership? Ever since gaining independence in 1990, Georgia has tried to free itself from Russian influence, focusing on becoming a member of NATO. However, the Georgian journey to NATO is complicated by the country’s internal political situation and external relations with Russia. Georgian internal conflicts with breakaway territories supported by Russia led to the Russian invasion into Georgian territory in 2008. Russia suppresses Georgian efforts to join NATO, considers the South Caucasus to be a strategic sphere of interest, and intends to exercise its influence there. Nevertheless, the current Georgian government continues to pursue NATO membership. Key determinants for any invitation to new members are whether their admission to NATO will strengthen the alliance, further the basic objective of NATO enlargement, and increase security and stability across Europe.
The EU Monitoring Mission (EUMM) is the only international monitoring presence operating in the region with the consent of the Russian Federation. However, almost 11 years in the area did not bring the desired result. The Russian Federation has strengthened its position in Abkhazia and South Ossetia with more than 20,000 troops on the ground, hardened the border and even prevented the schools from teaching children in Georgian. Following the assessment on the basis of three criteria (stabilization, normalization and confidence building), the EUMM attempts to increase the confidence building, to mediate among the actors in order to achieve a normal and a stable environment. But on the other hand, EUMM enables also the Russian federation to officialise its presence and its troops in the breakaway regions.
This review attempts to analyze in detail the specific roles and interests of the key players represented by Pakistan and India in Afghanistan. The focus of individual actors in the South Asian region was focused on identifying key objectives, defining specific national interests and strategies in Afghanistan. The aim of the article is to find out, analyze, interpret and understand information about the power relations of Pakistan and India in relation to the security situation in Afghanistan. The content focuses on the analysis of Pakistan-India relations and their intertwining in Afghan society. The aim is not to relate the content to a generalized theory or known theoretical paradigm of international relations, but to analyze the aspects of the Afghanistan in relation to Pakistan and India.
Článek se zabývá problematikou vybraných mezinárodních smluv, aktuálních dohod a iniciativ mezinárodní spolupráce v oblasti nešíření jaderných a chemických zbraní, ve kterých je zastoupena Česká republika prostřednictvím specifických orgánů nebo ministerstev. Je zde také rámcově popsán pohled a specifický vojenský přístup. Zapojení MO a AČR do struktur NATO umožňuje ovlivňovat strategické rozhodování v oblasti OPZHN a tím podporovat současné trendy týkající se forenzní analýzy, odběru CBRN vzorků a reakci na nové trendy v oblasti odstraňování následků použití ZHN.
The article deals with selected international treaties, current agreements and international cooperation initiatives in the field of non-proliferation of nuclear and chemical weapons, in which the Czech Republic is represented through specific bodies or ministries. There is also a general description of the view and the specific military approach. The involvement of the MoD and the Czech Armed Forces in NATO structures enables to influence the strategic decision-making in the area of CBRN and thus support the current trends concerning forensic analysis, sampling of CBRN samples and response to new trends in the field of WMD elimination.
The main goal of this article is to depict the role of postcolonial theory of neo-colonialism in the development of the security situation in Afghanistan. The introductory part is devoted to defining the postcolonial approach. This part is followed by a definition of neo-colonialism as a modern form of continuation of colonialism. The next part is focused on the role of neo-colonialism itself in Afghanistan, in relation to the influence and interests of the USA. In addition, the paper outlines the main security implications as well as the distortions of Afghanistan's regional actors (Pakistan and India) as a result of US engagement in the region. The final part summarizes the essential information in the context of the theoretical requirements and signs of neo-colonialism in relation to the activities of the US and other state actors in Afghanistan and the region.